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Notes
[1] Ukrainian delegation was headed by Prime Minister Valeriy Pustovoytenko. EU was represented by Robin Cook (then British minister for Foreign Affairs that presided the EU Council) and by Hans van der Broek (Commissioner for External relations with the countries of central and eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, Mongolia, Turkey, Cyprus, Malta and other European countries). 1.4.107 First meeting, held in Luxembourg on June 9, Ukraine, Cooperation Council Independent States of the former Soviet Union and Mongolia (4/17), “Bulletin EU” 6-1998
http://europa.eu.int/abc/doc/off/bull/en/9806/p104107.htm 2.03.2000 [2] The Council of the European Union has decided in the adopted common strategy on Ukraine:“- to contribute to the emergence of a stable, open and democratic Ukraine, governed by the rule of law and underpinning a stable functioning market economy which will benefit all the people of Ukraine;
- to co-operate with Ukraine in the maintenance of stability and security in Europe and the wider world, and in finding effective responses to common challenges facing the continent;
- to increase economic, political and cultural co-operation with Ukraine as well as co-operation in the field of justice and home affairs.” - European Council Common Strategy 1999/877/CFSP on Ukraine, Independent States of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia (4/11) Ukraine 1.4.91., “Bulletin EU”, No 12-1999,
http://europa.eu.int/abc/doc/off/bull/en/9912/p104091.htm ; See as well: 10.12.99 EU Declares Common Strategy on Ukraine, 5.1. European Union 5. Relations with European Integration and Transatlantic Structures of Security, Foreign Policy of Ukraine newsbrief 04.12.99 - 10.12.99, “Monitoring Foreign & Security Policy of Ukraine” Center for Peace, Conversion and Foreign Policy of Ukraine http://ForeignPolicy.org.ua/.[3] I.20. Interinstitutional Agreement on budgetary discipline and improvement of the budgetary procedure (2000-06)., “Bulletin EU”, No 5-1999 Agenda 2000 (21/22) http://europa.eu.int/abc/doc/off/bull/en/9905/i1020.htm .
[4] For the details on the discussed variants of the votes pondering reform and its consequences for future Polish influence in the Council of the Union see: K. Żukrowska, Korzyści i ograniczenia przyjecia Polski do UE w warunkach reform walutowej i instytucjonalnej, [in:] “Polska w Unii Europejskiej”, no 39, ed. by S.Miklaszewski, Kraków 1999, p.62-67.
[5] M.Filip, Przed kim zamykamy granicę, "Rzeczpospolita", no 24 (4884), czwartek 29 stycznia 1998, p.6.
[6] It is worth mentioning that during his visit in London on February 25th 1998 Polish minister of foreign affairs – Bronisław Geremek announced that Poland had applied to the European Commission for a permission to maintain a non-visa circulation of persons between Poland and Ukraine as long as possible. The minister stressed that in such a way the Union ”will have the possibility to help not only Poland but Ukraine as well.”- Polska-Ukraina: jak najdłużej bez wiz. Dzień na świecie "Rzeczpospolita", no 48 (4908), czwartek, 26 lutego 1998 r., p.5. That fact acknowledges the important role occupied by Ukraine in Polish foreign policy including the context of the accession of Poland into the European Union.
[7] Carlo Monti – a commissioner for Common Market and Hans van den Broek made it clear in Warsaw last year that there will not be the exceptions in border regime for the new members of the EU – see: K. Bauchman, Nie budzić nadziei niemożliwych do spełnienia, “Rzeczpospolita”, no 207 (5067), piątek 4 września 1998, p.8. Polish press quoted a respective statement of Anita Gradin (the Swedish Commissioner of the Union) – see: Komisarz UE o granicach w Europie Środkowej, Świat, "Rzeczpospolita", no 24 (4884), czwartek, 29 stycznia 1998, p.1; M.W., Granice muszą być szczelne. Bezpieczeństwo. Unia o kandydatach, "Rzeczpospolita", no 24 (4884), czwartek, 29 stycznia 1998, p.4.
[8] A. Skrzydło, Euroregiony w polsko-ukraińskiej współpracy transgranicznej. [in:] "Polska i Ukraina w latach dziewięćdziesiątych. Podstawy i płaszczyzny współpracy", Part.II: Współpraca Euroregionalna, Warszawa 1997, p.47.
[9] There have been built 12 new border guard buildings in the eastern frontier of Poland so far. In the next four years further 19 are to be built M. Wehner, Niemcy a polska granica wschodnia, “Frankfurter Allgemaine Magazin” (22 VIII 1998) – Polish translation – “Forum”, nr 36 (1727), R.XXXIV, 6 września 1998, p.2.
[10] Germans have covered the costs of the purchase of 38 cars and 76 motors for Polish border guard and they participate in the training of its officers. At the expense of 9 million of DM they built the telecommunication center for the guard as well. - Ibidem., p.2
[11] Why do not extend the planned Polish highway Wrocław, Katowice, Kraków, Rzeszów, Przemyśl further on to Lviv and Kyiv
[12] Raport OSW, Marzec 1999, s.16 – http://www.osw.waw.pl/inne02.htm#RAPORT OSW, Marzec 1999. One should mention as well president’s Kuchma initiative on the gas pipeline Odessa-Brody-Adamowa Zastawa that should be included into Polish-Ukrainian-EU co-operation. O.Martynenko, Uriadowyi Kuryer, 19.01.1999
[13] Presidency Conclusions Helsinki European Council 10 and 11 December 1999, The Finnish Presidency http://presidency.finland.fi/frame.asp Polish press comments see: M. Wągrowska, Ambitna Europa, “Rzeczpospolita” , no 22(5492) czwartek 27 stycznia 2000, p.11 and J. Bielecki, Obrona Europejska. Operacje za zgodą NATO, “Rzeczpospolita”, no 36(5506), sobota-niedziela 12-13 lutego 2000, p.1 and 5.
[14] Conclusions drove by the author from the presentation made by brigade general Bronisław Kwiatkowski - Realizacja postanowień dostosowawczych i reformy wewnętrznej Polskich Sił Zbrojnych w przeddzień przystąpienia do NATO w oparciu o doświadczenia 6BDSz at the seminar: “Stopień dostosowania polskich struktur obronnych do standardów NATO” – Instytut Studiów Strategicznych Fundacji MCRD, Kraków, 11 grudnia 1998.
[15] W. Grygolec, Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie w aspekcie polityczno militarnym, “Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie” Studia i analizy MCRD, no 6, p.78.
[16] N.N., Końcowe ustalenia w sprawie Polsko-Ukraińskiego Batalionu, Archiwum tekstowe (08.06.2000), „Serwis Informacyjny o NATO i Wojsku Polskim”, http://nato.pap.com.pl/index.html.
[17] The Ukrainian-Romanian-Hungarian-Slovak peacekeeping battalion “Tisza” is another project worth investigation as to the possibility of the creation a similar co-operation between our three countries. It is planned to be created by the year 2001 and the Ukrainian contribution will be two artillery companies (179 men). On the “Tisza” battalion see: Drive to set up Joint Battalions or New Defense Cooperation Philosophy, CACDS, http://www.niss.gov.ua/mac/cacds/archivee/Jan/0122d.html
[18] Petersberg tasks adopted by the WEU Council on June 19th 1992 comprise: “- humanitarian and rescue tasks; - peacekeeping tasks;- tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking.”- See: Western European Union Council of Ministers, Bonn, 19 june 1992, Petersberg Declaration, Part II, point.4, p.1.
[19] Declaration on the principles of the co-operation between the WEU and her associated members issued by the WEU Council on May 9th 1994. For details see: M. Kuberski, Ewolucja polityki europejskiej Francji w dziedzinie bezpieczeństwa, “Bezpieczeństwo Polski w zmieniającej się Europie. Europejska Tożsamość w Dziedzinie Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony”, no 9 1996, p.60.
[20] After such an action if successful one should try for Ukraine to achieve such a status as was awarded to Poland by the virtue of Kirchberg Declaration.
[21] When NATO forces were concentrated for operation in Kosovo the first units were sent as stabilisation forces to Macedonia. They were constituted by the contingents from France, Great Britain and Germany each counting from 4000 to 5000 men. Taking this precedent into consideration I want to stress that if any similar situation is repeated in the future, the 700 soldiers of Polish-Ukrainian battalion would be noticeable only in that first stage of operation. Later on when the main forces arrive the importance of such a contingent would inevitable diminish and could not be exploited politically.
[22] The idea was supported by non governmental organization connected with the parliamentarian circles (The Freedom Union) and known as Polish-Ukrainian Forum in Warsaw and Ukrainian-Polish one in Kyiv active since 1994 and formally registered on February 14th 2000. A. Kaczyński, Razem czy osobno do Unii Europejskiej. Polityka wschodnia Forum Polsko-Ukraińskie, “Rzeczpospolita”, no 43(5513), poniedziałek 21 lutego 2000, p.2.
[23] Polish Factor in Gas Transit Issue: Responsive rationale of Ukraine’s Western Neighbor, “Monitoring Foreign & Security Policy of Ukraine”, Center for Peace, Conversion and Foreign Policy of Ukraine http://ForeignPolicy.org.ua/